Thursday, July 31, 2014

What are some possible argumentative/persuasive essay topics based on The Little Prince?

Because Antoine de Saint-Exupery's book The Little Prince is so rich in meaning, it presents a wealth of material for argumentative or persuasive essays. For an essay interpreting the work as literature, one could argue for or against these topics:



  • The Little Prince is best appreciated by adults rather than children.


  • The Little Prince is an allegory.


  • The Little Prince is a philosophical treatise.


  • The Little Prince is a coming-of-age story.


  • The Little Prince is a romance.


  • The Little Prince is an excellent example of fantasy literature.

For an essay using some of the themes or philosophy presented in The Little Prince that could draw on material outside the book for support, one could write persuasive/argumentative essays based on these topics:


  • What is essential in life is invisible to the eye.

  • "Taming" is a way of describing friendship.

  • "Taming" is a way of describing love.

  • The relationship between the Little Prince and his flower depicts an unhealthy relationship.

  • The relationship between the Little Prince and his flower was unhealthy only because he was too young to know how to love her, which demonstrates that healthy relationships depend on the emotional maturity of at least one of the partners.

  • Friendship (or love) is what gives life meaning.

  • "No one is ever satisfied where he is."

  • "Only the children know what they are looking for." 

  • "Rites" increase the pleasure of life.

  • "It is more difficult to judge oneself than to judge others."

  • "When you discover an island that belongs to nobody, it is yours."

  • "It is possible for a man to be faithful and lazy at the same time."

  • Loving someone makes that person unique in all the world.

Other statements made by the Little Prince or the other characters in the book could be argued for or against as well. The wide range of topics within the pages of this little book provides a rich source for philosophical discussion and debate.

In O'Connor's "Guests of the Nation" what is the significance of varying between characters' perspectives?

"Guests of the Nation" varies between characters because each one represents a different perspective on the war. A major theme in the story is the political division between men and women who come from very similar backgrounds. As the narrator, Bonaparte has a unique perspective in his power over Belcher and Hawkins. Belcher and Hawkins have unique perspectives as Bonaparte's prisoners and as Englishmen being imprisoned in a foreign land.


The book's style of varying between characters reaches climactic significance during the execution of Belcher and Hawkins. Without the continual change in perspective throughout the book, the reader might have a different impression of this crucial event. Because the story is told through different perspectives, the reader is able to see how deeply the execution affects Bonaparte and realize that even the most villainous role is taken by a human being with thoughts and emotions.

Wednesday, July 30, 2014

What are five quotes in Fahrenheit 451 that originate from other books?

In the book Fahrenheit 451 by Ray Bradbury, numerous quotes from other books are utilized. Multiple characters in the book quote from other literary sources to illustrate different components. However, Montag’s boss especially utilizes quotes to influence his audience’s thoughts.


For example, he quotes Alexander Pope:



“Words are like leaves and where they most abound, Much fruit of sense beneath is rarely found.”



He also quotes Sir Philip Sidney:



 “Sweet food of sweetly uttered knowledge.”



Furthermore, he quotes Dr. Johnson to argue with Montag:



 “He is no wise man that will quit a certainty for an uncertainty.”



Not only does Montag argue his point, but he also debates both sides of an argument, further confusing his audience. For example, he says:



 “Truth will come to light, murder will not be hid long!”



Lastly, he also quotes:



 “The Devil can cite scripture for his purpose.”



Consequently, there are numerous quotes throughout the book. These quotes represent the importance of knowledge and books, despite the culture in Fahrenheit 451 dismissing these important concepts.


Furthermore, it is quite interesting that Montag’s boss (Captain Beatty) utilizes the quotes quite frequently. His usage of quotes reveals his own knowledge and reading of books. However, he chooses to argue against knowledge and reading in society.

Why are religious people against contraception?

First of all, not all religious people are against contraception. That said, many devout Catholics, Orthodox Jews and conservative Muslims are usually against contraception for two main reasons. The first is that most religions explicitly tell their faithful that they should have children, and contraception prevents impregnation. Although the Quran never explicitly exhorts Muslims to reproduce, many scholars say that this is implied.


In the book of Genesis, on the other hand, God explicitly tells his people to "be fruitful and multiply." Many other verses in the bible (both the old testament and new testament) implicitly support reproduction by equating having children with being "blessed," or with having wealth. So for many religious people, being against contraception is a simple matter of following their sacred texts, or at least following the many scholarly interpretations of those texts.


A second reason that many religious people are against, or at least discourage contraception, is that they interpret their holy books' writings on marriage and sex to mean that sex is only (or at least primarily) a means of reproducing, and should not be done simply for recreation and/or pleasure. For that reason, many devoutly religious people believe that the use of contraception is proof that the act of sex has become divorced from the act of reproduction, and is therefore sinful.


It is important to note, however, that not all religions view the act of sex for pleasure as a bad thing. For instance, Judaism as it is practiced in Reform synagogues around the world celebrates sex so long as it occurs within a marriage. 

What is poliomyelitis?


Causes and Symptoms


Poliomyelitis, or polio, is a contagious disease affecting humans and some nonhuman primates. It is caused by three closely related strains of a human enterovirus. In its most serious manifestation, it attacks nerve tissue in the spinal cord and brain stem, resulting in paralysis. Polio was one of the most feared diseases in developed countries in the twentieth century. A few medical researchers suspected the connection between the severe neurological symptoms of poliomyelitis and the more typical enteric form of the disease in the first decade of the twentieth century. A complete and accurate picture of the etiology of polio, however, was not demonstrated and accepted until the 1930s, when improved techniques for detecting viruses and antiviral antibodies enabled scientists to trace the disease in all of its phases.



The virus responsible for poliomyelitis is present in large numbers in the intestines of infected individuals. It is excreted in feces, from which it is spread to uninfected individuals through contaminated water, food, hands, and eating utensils and by flies and other filth-loving insects. Once it has been ingested, the poliovirus multiplies in the cells lining the intestine and invades the lymphatic system, producing swelling in the lymph nodes surrounding the intestine and in the neck. The symptoms of the disease at this stage may escape notice altogether, or the infected person may experience fever and a sore throat. These symptoms subside after two or three days as the body’s immune system begins producing antibodies to overcome the virus. Most cases never proceed beyond this stage, termed the minor illness of polio.


In a minority of cases, after a period of several days in which a patient is asymptomatic, the minor illness is followed by the onset of neurological symptoms, signaling that the virus has invaded the
spinal cord. Symptoms include pain and stiffness in the spine, lethargy, general muscular weakness, and flaccid (that is, not accompanied by spasms) paralysis of muscles, particularly of the legs. Paralysis of the legs occurs because the virus preferentially attacks neurons in the front or anterior horns of the spinal cord, including the motor nerves controlling the legs, and often affects one side more than the other. In the most severe cases, viral infection spreads from the spinal cord to the brain stem, attacking neurons serving the diaphragm and esophagus. Without aggressive medical intervention in the form of an artificial breathing apparatus, paralysis of the diaphragm is fatal.


In the absence of brain-stem involvement, a body’s normal defenses usually overcome the viral infection. Since the body is unable to replace destroyed neurons, however, acute polio leaves the patient with permanent motor impairment ranging from mild muscular weakness to severe crippling disability. Aided by appropriate physical therapy during the recovery period, patients can usually regain some of the motor function lost during the active disease. As survivors of the polio
epidemics of the 1940s and 1950s reached middle age in the late twentieth century, a late phase of the disease called postpolio syndrome was recognized. After decades of apparent normality, muscles affected by the initial paralytic attack experience gradual loss of function without evidence of renewed viral activity.


The proportion of cases resulting in permanent paralysis varies with the age structure of the population affected. Typically, no more than 10 percent of patients who experience a major illness including neurologic symptoms suffer such paralysis. Under premodern conditions, the latter probably accounted for less than 1 percent of the total cases, because subclinical infection, minor illness, and paralytic polio usually occurred in early childhood. Maternal antibodies provided protection for newborns, while a child’s own immune system created antibodies following exposure. In this way, lifelong immunity to subsequent infection was acquired. With improving sanitation and an older susceptible population, however, this proportion gradually increased.


During an epidemic, polio is primarily spread by persons with mild and subclinical infections, who may be unaware that they are ill. Infectivity persists for two to three weeks after the onset of the intestinal disease. There is no evidence that lifetime carriers exist. It is virtually impossible to prevent the spread of an asymptomatic, fecally transmitted pathogen among young children in group settings by any behavioral means. Fortunately, vaccines have effectively eliminated polio as an epidemic disease in the developed world and in Latin America.




Treatment and Therapy

The history of efforts to prevent and treat poliomyelitis illustrates the changing attitudes of the medical community toward disease and the methods by which a once-important pathogen was virtually eliminated. Only time will tell whether the spectacular inroads made by medical science against poliomyelitis are permanent. Persons with compromised immune systems are reminders that vaccines cannot completely protect all individuals. They prevent health professionals from becoming complacent with respect to any infectious disease.


At the end of the nineteenth century, when epidemics of poliomyelitis first began to surface, medical science had made a number of important advances in the understanding and treatment of disease. First and foremost, the role of microorganisms in infectious disease was well established. Although viruses were still poorly defined, the principle that they were transmissible agents was understood. Second, although physicians had few specific remedies at their disposal, they had abandoned most of the drastic, plainly harmful remedies of earlier eras.


As polio became more and more prominent in morbidity statistics and the public imagination, the biomedical community responded on three different fronts. The first was an attempt to prevent transmission by quarantine measures and clinical studies. Scientists attempted to clarify the actual mode of transmission and the natural occurrence of the virus. Second, they attempted to treat paralytic cases in the acute and recovery phases. Lastly, scientists tried to develop a vaccine.


Quarantine measures were never very successful at controlling polio epidemics. Isolating critically ill patients in a sterile environment and restricting travel on the part of their family members, as was done in 1916 in New York, failed to quarantine people with mild infections, who were the main transmitters of the disease. Although the poliovirus can be found in untreated sewage, this was not a major source of infection in the United States. Flies can transmit the virus mechanically and thus may act as vectors, but fly eradication campaigns failed to have any effect on polio occurrence. In the period when it was incorrectly thought that the poliovirus entered through the nose, nasal sprays were touted as offering protection.


In the 1920s, the search for a cure emphasized the use of blood serum from individuals who had recovered from the disease. Theoretically, the idea was a sound one that had been used successfully for other diseases, but it proved ineffective in the case of polio, because the level of antibodies in the serum was not sufficiently high to have a therapeutic effect. More important, by the time patients developed paralytic symptoms, their bodies were already producing antibodies. Despite disappointing results, serum therapy was used extensively for fifteen years.


In 1920, Philip Drinker of the Harvard School of Public Health introduced the so-called
iron lung, a respirator that mimicked the action of lungs by subjecting patients to fluctuations in air pressure. The iron lung gave some hope of survival to patients with paralysis of the diaphragm or lesions in the nervous centers of the brain that govern respiration. Its introduction was accompanied by misgivings that it would only serve to keep alive severely disabled patients who had no hope of survival outside a hospital. Such ethical concerns were justified, but artificial respirators also proved effective in temporarily treating acute cases of respiratory paralysis that subsided with time.


With respect to paralyzed limbs, advances in orthopedics in the early twentieth century allowed for surgical procedures that minimized twisting and deformity and for the design of braces that improved mobility. Observing that deformity could be lessened by bracing and immobilizing limbs at the onset of the paralytic form of the disease, doctors of the 1920s and 1930s had a tendency to encase polio victims, even those with little or no paralysis, in elaborate casts attached to pulley systems. Against this trend, Elizabeth Kenny, an Australian nurse, conducted what amounted to a crusade against immobilization and advocated active physical therapy in acute paralytic poliomyelitis.


In 1921, future president of the United States Franklin Delano Roosevelt was stricken with acute paralytic polio that left him with severe paralysis of both legs. Roosevelt later used his private fortune to establish a center for the rehabilitation of polio victims in Warm Springs, Georgia, where he had spent his convalescence. After he became president in 1933, Roosevelt became a leader in the fight against poliomyelitis. For several years, the principal charitable organization funding polio treatment and research in the United States was the president’s Birthday Ball Commission, the immediate forerunner of the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis (NFIP), better known under the name of its main fund-raising effort, the March of Dimes. Basil O’Conner, a personal friend of Roosevelt, headed both agencies.


Since an attack of polio in any of its forms confers lifelong immunity, researchers from the 1920s onward increasingly concentrated their efforts on developing a vaccine. Vaccines rely on dead or nonvirulent strains of a pathogenic agent to induce an immune response in a host. To produce a polio vaccine, one must have large quantities of poliovirus, and the only known source of poliovirus prior to 1938 was spinal cord tissue from infected monkeys or humans. In 1935, Maurice Brodie conducted human vaccine trials with a formalin-inactivated virus from monkey spinal cord. At the same time, John Kohler conducted trials with a virus that he claimed had been inactivated by repeated passage through many generations of monkeys. Brodie’s vaccine was unsuccessful; Kohler’s achieved notoriety as the suspected cause of several cases of paralytic polio.


After World War II, the NFIP concentrated its efforts on funding the development of an effective polio vaccine. Thanks to the work of John Enders and others, a live poliovirus could be produced in tissue culture. Improved serological techniques enabled researchers to assess immunity in chimpanzees without sacrificing the animal. By 1950, a practical vaccination program was beginning to take shape under the direction of Jonas Salk
, who headed the development of a formalin-inactivated injectable vaccine.


In 1954, with the collaboration of the National Institutes of Health and the US Census Bureau, the NFIP conducted a massive nationwide test of this inactivated Salk vaccine, involving 1.8 million children in the first, second, and third grades. In 1955, the number of new cases (or incidence) of polio among inoculated children was significantly lower than among controls, demonstrating that the vaccine was effective in clinical practice. Thereafter, the inoculation of children against polio became routine, and the incidence per 100,000 people declined dramatically—from 40 in 1952, the last major epidemic year, to 20 in 1955. The number of new cases per 100,000 people was 5 in 1959 and fewer than 1 in 1961 and subsequent years. There have been no domestically acquired cases of paralytic polio in the United States since 1987.


Salk’s vaccine conferred only temporary immunity, requiring booster shots to be administered at yearly intervals. This made protection of the population cumbersome in industrialized countries and impractical in developing countries. The NFIP consequently turned its attention toward an effort, under the direction of Albert Sabin, to develop an orally administered attenuated viral preparation. The challenge was to develop a strain of virus that would multiply in the digestive system and stimulate antibody production but that could not attack the human nervous system. This effort was also supported by the World Health Organization (WHO). In 1957, an oral live virus vaccine was tested in Ruanda-Urundi (today Rwanda and Burundi). Between 1958 and 1959, field trials were conducted in fifteen countries, including the United States and the Soviet Union.


The Sabin oral vaccine confers longer-lasting immunity and is easier to administer, and therefore came to be used routinely to immunize children and adults against polio throughout the world. The WHO has exploited this advantage and undertaken a program of complete polio eradication. This program has been highly successful, and as of 2012, there were only three countries left in the world where polio was endemic (meaning not brought in from outside), down from more than 125 countries when the Global Polio Eradication Initiative was launched in 1988. The three remaining countries with endemic poliovirus are Nigeria, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Six other countries in 2012 also reported isolated cases of polio, but they were either mild cases derived from the vaccine, or were brought into the country from outside. Altogether, 2012 saw fewer than 300 reported cases of polio worldwide.




Perspective and Prospects

There is evidence that poliomyelitis has afflicted human beings from the beginning of time. There is an Egyptian tomb painting of a priest with a withered leg, and descriptions of individuals with polio-like diseases occur in Greek medical literature. In general, however, polio seems to have been a rare disease; there are no records of epidemics of paralytic polio before the second half of the nineteenth century. The symptoms of paralytic polio are so distinctive and devastating that it is unlikely cases were overlooked.


In the early nineteenth century, a number of physicians published descriptions of cases in which a fever in infants or very young children was followed by paralysis of the lower limbs. At that time, polio was unknown among older children and adults. As a consequence, the disease came to be known as infantile paralysis. The occurrence was infrequent and sporadic, although Charles Bell, a distinguished English neurologist, recorded an account of an epidemic affecting all the three- to five-year-old children on the isolated island of St. Helena around 1830.


Between 1880 and 1905, several localized outbreaks of epidemic poliomyelitis occurred in rural Scandinavia. In 1894, the United States suffered its first major outbreak, in Rutland County, Vermont. In contrast to earlier experiences, significant numbers of older children and young adults were affected. It was also puzzling to epidemiologists that the outbreaks should have occurred in isolated rural areas rather than in urban centers. Ivar Wickman, a Swedish epidemiologist who tracked the course of the severe Scandinavian epidemic of 1905, obtained evidence for abortive and nonparalytic cases, and postulated that they were important to the epidemiology of the disease. His results were not taken seriously until thirty years later.


In 1916, the northeastern United States suffered one of the most devastating epidemics in the history of poliomyelitis, with more than nine thousand acute cases in New York City alone. Public health authorities, disregarding evidence that acute cases represented less than 10 percent of actual cases, instituted draconian quarantine measures that were largely ineffective. More than 95 percent of those affected in the 1916 epidemic were under nine years of age. By 1931, the date of the next major epidemic in the Northeast, the proportion of victims younger than nine had declined to 84 percent; by 1947, it had further declined to 52 percent. Poliomyelitis had somehow been transformed from an uncommon endemic disease affecting only very young children to a sporadic, rural epidemic disease that affected primarily but not exclusively children. Finally, it had become a widespread epidemic disease affecting all age groups in both rural and urban environments.


In 1905, when Swedish researchers attempted to show the existence of subclinical poliomyelitis infections, there was only one way to demonstrate polio in an unequivocal, scientifically rigorous manner. It involved filtering material from a diseased person to remove bacteria, inoculating the filtrate into the brain of a susceptible monkey, and waiting for paralysis to develop. Cost and logistics precluded large-scale tests. The trials that were conducted often failed because of inadequate sterility. In 1939, Charles Armstrong succeeded in propagating one of the three poliovirus strains in rodents, greatly facilitating research. In 1948, Enders and his colleagues succeeded in growing the poliovirus in tissue culture. In the meantime, reliable techniques for identifying antibodies to specific pathogens had been developed. This development enabled epidemiologists to determine which individuals had the live poliovirus in their bodies and which had developed immunity.


A series of studies conducted in the early 1950s among Alaskan Inuits, urban North Americans, and Egyptian villagers dramatically demonstrated the normal epidemiological pattern of polio occurrence and progress in three very different populations. Among Inuits living in Point Barrow, Alaska, only people over twenty showed antibodies to the virus, as a result of a known and devastating epidemic in 1930. In Miami, Florida, the proportion of persons with antibodies rose from 10 percent at age two to nearly 80 percent in adulthood. In Cairo, nearly 100 percent of the population over the age of three proved to have antibodies.


Therefore, the following epidemiological picture emerged. Before 1900, sanitary conditions in most of the world approximated those in Cairo, and most people contracted polio before the age of three. The vast majority of infections were subclinical, and paralytic cases occurred only sporadically in infants. As sanitation improved in the United States and Europe, the chances of contracting polio as an infant decreased. Thus, a pool of susceptible individuals of mixed ages arose, and epidemics occurred. Like mumps, measles, and other childhood illnesses, polio is more likely to cause severe illness in an adult than in a young child. For this reason, paralytic polio became a more serious health problem in Miami than in Cairo. Epidemics occurred first in rural areas in the United States and Scandinavia, where sanitation was relatively good and people were somewhat isolated from major population centers that served as sources of infection.


Defenders of the use of
animals in biomedical research often cite the history of the conquest of poliomyelitis to support their point of view. From the earliest days of scientific poliomyelitis research until the discovery of tissue-culturing techniques for viruses in the 1940s, experimental work was dependent on monkeys. For many years, the only way of confirming that the virus was present was to inoculate a monkey with a suspected sample: If the monkey became paralyzed, the test was positive. Cultures were maintained through serial transfer from monkey to monkey, and the earliest vaccines were prepared from monkey spinal cord tissue.


The first successful tissue culture
experiments involved fetal intestinal tissue. The experiments depended on having an available source of a characterized viral strain originally isolated from a human but maintained through several generations of transfer through animals. Even after the maintenance and characterization of viral strains and the production of virus for vaccines had moved from animal laboratories to test tubes of cultured cells, the first tests of the safety and efficacy of vaccines were performed with primates. Virtually every step in the conquest of polio involved experimental procedures.


Although the fight against poliomyelitis has been spectacularly successful, it would be unwise to be complacent about a disease that still exists in parts of the world and that is selectively virulent under modern urban conditions in developed nations. The percentage of schoolchildren, particularly those living in poorer neighborhoods, who receive routine vaccinations against childhood diseases is decreasing in the United States. Because of the availability of safe drinking water, children are no longer likely to naturally acquire immunity from subclinical infections.


In about 1 in 20 million cases, individuals will develop polio after receiving a vaccine. A naturally acquired case of polio is now exceedingly rare. The number of such cases is less than the number of cases of polio as a result of adverse reactions to the vaccine. For this reason, many parents are not having their children immunized against polio. These well-intentioned people are putting their children at an unnecessary risk of contracting the disease.


Other diseases that were once thought to be virtually extinct, such as measles and tuberculosis, are experiencing a resurgence because of declining commitment to public and community health and increasing numbers of people with compromised immune systems. Until the polio eradication campaign is complete, there is no guarantee that polio will be excluded from the list of resurgent diseases.




Bibliography


Blume, Stuart, and Ingrid Geesink. “A Brief History of Polio Vaccines.” Science 288, no. 5471 (June 2, 2000): 1593–1594.



Carson-DeWitt, Rosalyn. "Poliomyelitis." Health Library, May 20, 2013.



Daniel, Thomas M., and Frederick C. Robbins, eds. Polio. Rochester, N.Y.: University of Rochester Press, 1997.



Garrett, Laurie. The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases in a World out of Balance. New York: Penguin, 1995.



Gould, Tony. A Summer Plague: Polio and Its Survivors. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997.



Hecht, Alan D., and Edward Alamo. Polio. New York: Chelsea House, 2003.



Munsat, Theodore L. “Poliomyelitis: New Problems with an Old Disease.” New England Journal of Medicine 324 (April, 1991): 1206–1207.



Oshinsky, David M. Polio: An American Story. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.



"Polio." Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, May 24, 2013.



"Poliomyelitis." World Health Organization, 2013.



Post-Polio Health International. http://www.post-polio .org.



Silver, Julie K. Post-Polio Syndrome: A Guide for Polio Survivors and Their Families. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002.

Monday, July 28, 2014

What realization dawns upon the banker and the lawyer towards the end of "The Bet" by Anton Chekhov?

In "The Bet," both the lawyer and the banker experience a realization at the end of the story. The lawyer realizes life is empty and meaningless because all pursuits and interests are "illusory" and "deceptive." By this, he means human pursuits and interests, like drinking "fragrant wine" and singing songs, do not last forever or create true happiness. This realization has an important effect on the lawyer: it prompts him to forfeit the bet (and his right to the money) because he no longer values material wealth.


Similarly, on learning that the lawyer intends to forfeit the bet, the banker has a realization of his own. He feels "contempt" towards himself, presumably because he values his two million rubles more than he mourns the lawyer's physical and mental state. It is worth noting Chekhov does not make clear the reason for his contempt. Whatever the case, the banker hides the letter in his safe so the lawyer's true feelings never come to light.

In Chapter 6, Wiesel discusses a split within himself. What does he mean when he states "my body and I"?

Chapter 6 begins with the evacuation of the Buna concentration camp. The Jewish prisoners are forced to march in the middle of a blizzard at night. Eliezer comments that the SS guards made them increase their speed until the prisoners were running. The SS had orders to shoot any prisoners who were not keeping up with the pace of the group, and Eliezer mentions that he would occasionally hear shots while he was running. He also comments that he was moving like a machine, and he was dragging his "emaciated body." Eliezer wishes that he could shed his body and comments, "Though I tried to put it out of my mind, I couldn't help thinking that there were two of us: my body and I" (Wiesel 85). Eliezer's foot is severely injured, and his body is weak from malnutrition, yet he is forced to run at a brisk pace or he will be shot. Eliezer distinguishes the difference between his body and his mind. He knows that his body is too weak to do what his mind wants it to. Eliezer wishes that he could shed his body because he is physically worn out. Mentally, Eliezer has the capacity to withstand such a brutal experience and make it to Gleiwitz.

What is managed care?


Structure and Subtypes

Managed care organizations are health insurance
plans that aim to provide efficient, quality health care by management of services. The main goals of managed care organizations include providing quality health care services and providing the services at the best cost to the insurance company. These goals are met by direct oversight over an individual’s care, such as determining medical necessity of health services and evaluating the appropriateness of specialists’ referrals.


There are three general types of managed care organizations: the health maintenance organization (HMO), the preferred provider organization (PPO), and the point-of-service organization (POS). Each type of insurance plan has its own distinct characteristics and carries its own advantages and disadvantages to its participants. HMOs focus on preventive medicine and place strong emphasis on the role of the primary care physician. HMOs are structured into networks of providers, or physicians and hospitals that participate in their program. Patients pay a set monthly fee and, in order to be covered by the insurance company, must see only physicians within the approved network. HMOs are unique in that they serve as the insurance company (the payer) and the provider at the same time; the physicians, hospitals, and insurers that participate in the HMO are also employed by the organization. The primary care physician serves as a gatekeeper to other physicians in the system. Therefore, the primary care physician must approve and coordinate all contact with any medical care for his or her patients. This includes access to specialists (such as cardiologists, dermatologists, or psychiatrists) and any medical procedures. The only exception to this rule is during an emergency or crisis situation. In this way, HMOs are considered the strictest and most restricting type of managed care organization available.


One advantage of HMOs is low out-of-pocket costs for the patient. The fixed monthly fee that is charged to the patient does not depend on the amount of care given and cannot increase with increased visits. Similarly, HMOs do not have maximum lifetime payouts, unlike some other health insurance structures. Therefore, any amount of care that is deemed necessary will be provided to the patient with no maximum cap. Another advantage of an HMO plan is the focus on preventive medicine and wellness, encouraging visiting a physician regularly and healthy lifestyle choices. However, there are some disadvantages to HMO plans. These can include a limited access to specialty care in a timely manner and no coverage for physicians outside the network.


Health maintenance organizations operate in a variety of subtypes. These subtypes may overlap in style and operation. In the staff model, physicians are salaried and are direct employees of the HMO. Their offices are typically in buildings that belong exclusively to the HMO company and are operated by other physicians in the system. In this type of system, the physicians only see patients under the specific managed care of the HMO. In the group model of the HMO, the company does not employ the physicians directly; they are contracted together. Physicians practice under a group practice format, and the group practice is employed itself by the HMO. Traditionally, the group practice model physicians also only see patients who are part of the HMO program. The last subtype of HMO structure is an independent practice association (IPA), in which the association serves as an intermediary between the physician and the HMO. In this model, the physician may see his or her own patients as well as patients with the HMO plan.


The PPO, also called an open-access HMO, is managed differently than a health maintenance organization. In a PPO, the physicians and hospitals are contracted to provide services only to a specific group of individuals who participate in the PPO. The system is similar to the HMO in that the group of physicians and hospitals form a network for care, but there is no primary care physician who serves as a gatekeeper in the PPO. A patient may see a specialist without approval or management from another physician. Also, in a PPO, patients are permitted to visit a physician outside the network for an increased cost. Therefore, seeing a physician who is in the network usually has a lower out-of-pocket cost for the patient than seeing a physician out of the network. Unlike the HMO, in a PPO the patient does not pay monthly regardless of the services provided but pays out of pocket in deductibles and copays based on how many visits they incur.


One advantage of the PPO system is more freedom in choosing the provider, as well as the ability to see a specialist without prior approval of a primary care physician. Also, out-of-pocket expenses, such as deductibles, are capped each year, limiting the amount a patient or family has to pay for health care services. However, a disadvantage of a PPO system is that there is limited coverage for providers who are outside the network. Also, significant paperwork and time may be involved in reimbursement for services out of the network.


A POS plan is a type of managed health care that integrates features of both the HMO and the PPO. These systems involve in-network (contracted) physicians and hospitals but also enable patients to visit physicians outside of the network. In this type of insurance plan, similar to an HMO, there is no deductible paid by the patient and usually only a minimal copayment when a health care provider in network is used. Also, a primary care physician is chosen who makes referrals to specialists. If one chooses to go outside the network for health care, POS coverage functions more like a PPO. When using an out-of-network provider, the patient may have an annual deductible and be responsible for copays to the out-of-network physician. The advantages of the POS system include the maximum amount of freedom in choosing which physician to see and allowing the patient to control out-of-pocket costs. Out-of-network costs can be significant, however, and serve as a disadvantage to POS systems.




Operation and Cost Containment

Health maintenance organizations manage their costs by restricting covered medical care to their in-network providers. The participating providers, as employees of the HMO, have agreed to practice medicine in accordance with the HMO’s guidelines and restrictions. These guidelines and restrictions may be incorporated into primary care physicians’ decisions regarding approval for specialty care visits.


Another way that HMOs manage costs is through utilization review, a process by which the HMO monitors the physician’s practice. By comparing the physician’s practices with other physicians, in terms such as number of referrals and cost of services, the HMO can measure the most efficient practice techniques.


Another technique for cost containment in HMO systems is case management. In case management, the goal is preventive medicine before a catastrophic event can occur. The theory behind case management is that it is cheaper to prevent a disease than to treat it. Case management may also include disease management, such as management of chronic conditions to prevent them from progressing into worsening conditions.


While many professionals argue that one main goal of health maintenance organizations is to save money, many HMOs themselves argue that they do not have a significant increase in profit over PPO or POS plans. The research supporting this theory suggests that although the out-of-pocket expense is smaller for the patient, the patient may take advantage of the unlimited use of in-network providers and visit more often than those patients who participate in other programs. Therefore, with increased utilization from some patients, the cost to the HMO rises to that of other plans.




Perspective and Prospects

In 1929, the first health maintenance organization in the United States was organized by Michael Shadid. Shadid was a medical and business pioneer who provided medical care for rural farmers in Elk City, Oklahoma. The members who enrolled in his plan paid a predetermined fee and received medical care from Dr. Shadid. In the same year, the Ross-Loos Medical Group was established in Los Angeles to provide prepaid medical services to county employees and employees of the city’s department of water and power. In 1982, the Ross-Loos Medical Group was purchased by CIGNA. The enactment of Medicare and Medicaid legislation in 1965 served as a landmark in the history of managed health care by extending coverage to millions of additional Americans who could otherwise not afford medical coverage.


The first mandated health care act by government was the Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973, which required employers with twenty-five or more employees to offer federally certified HMO options. Dr. Gordon K. Macleod served as the first director of this program and also performed many research studies in other countries regarding health maintenance organization and structure. In 2010, the United States Congress passed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which introduced further requirements for health care organizations.




Bibliography


Andresen, Elena, and Erin DeFries Bouldin, eds. Public Health Foundations: Concepts and Practices. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.



Dorsey, J. L. “The Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 and Prepaid Group Practice Plan.” Medical Care 13 (January, 1975): 1–9.



Kongstvedt, Peter R. Essentials of Managed Health Care. 6th ed. Burlington: Jones & Bartlett, 2013.



Kongstvedt, Peter R. The Managed Health Care Handbook. 4th ed. Gaithersburg: Aspen, 2001.



Longest, B. B. “Health and Health Policy.” In Health Policymaking in the United States. 4th ed. Chicago: Health Administration Press, 2006.



Samuels, David I. Managed Health Care in the New Millennium. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2012.

Friday, July 25, 2014

How does sonnet 138 compare with sonnet 61? How do they contrast?

Shakespeare's sonnet 61 and sonnet 138 both offer interesting glimpses into the complicated nature of romantic relationships. Both pieces have similarities and differences, and so it helps to carefully weigh them by comparing and contrasting the two poems.


First, let's compare the similarities. Both poems deal with two romantic partners engaged in some kind of deception, or at least some kind of perceived deception. In sonnet 61, the speaker sits up in bed, worrying about where his love might be, as is evidenced by the lines, "Mine own true love that doth my rest defeat/ To play the watchman ever for thy sake" (11-12). This suggests that the speaker is kept up at night jealously worrying about his partner. He goes on to say, "For thee I watch, whilst thou dost wake elsewhere,/ From me far off, with others all too near" (13-14). These lines suggest that the speaker does not trust his partner, and that he suspects she is sleeping with someone else in another bed. Thus, it's clear that there is at least some element of perceived deception at work in this relationship. Likewise, in sonnet 138, the speaker suspects his partner of lying to him, saying, "When my love swears that she is made of truth,/ I do believe her, though I know she lies" (1-2). As in sonnet 61, the speaker is aware of his partner's deceptive ways. As such, both sonnets depict romantic relationships riddled with lies and deception.


There, however, a few differences at work. The main contrast is that, in sonnet 138, it seems as though the narrator is also a lier (8), and his relationship with his partner seems to work. He says, "in our faults by lies we flattered be" (14), and this closing statement suggests that speaker is at peace and accepts a relationship based on mutual deception. In contrast, the speaker in sonnet 61 appears supremely distressed at his partner's deception. He describes his partner's imaging as mocking (4), and says his partner's "image should keep open/ My heavy eyelids to the weary night" (1-2). Thus, unlike the speaker in sonnet 138, the narrator in sonnet 61 seems upset and stressed by his partner's deception. As such, though both poems focus on relationships based on lies, they offer two contrasting ways of dealing with said lies. In sonnet 138, the deception appears to hold the relationship together, while the deception appears to be tearing the relationship apart in sonnet 61. 

Thursday, July 24, 2014

What is group decision making?


Introduction

Important societal, business, medical, legal, and personal decisions are often made by more than one person. Psychologists in the field of group decision making have attempted to describe the processes through which such decisions are made. The process by which a set of individual group members’ decisions becomes transformed into a single group decision can be described by a “social decision scheme.” Research by James H. Davis and his colleagues at the University of Illinois has shown the conditions under which groups use various decision-making rules, such as adopting the preference of the majority or that of the member who has the best answer.










Variables in Group Tasks

The nature of the decision problem facing a group must be considered in an evaluation of the group’s decision process. Psychologist Ivan Steiner pioneered the analysis of the group’s task in his book Group Process and Productivity (1972). Steiner identified three characteristics of group tasks that should be considered in analyzing group decision making. The first is the ability to subdivide the task into subtasks that members can perform individually. For example, a group can plan a meal by making one member responsible for selecting a meat dish, another for choosing a vegetarian entrée, another for choosing desserts, and so forth. Other tasks, in which division of labor is not feasible, are said to be “unitary.” In general, the more important the decision, the more difficult it is to divide it among group members. Yet it is often precisely because a decision task is important that it is given to a group rather than an individual. Therefore, even if some aspect of the task (such as gathering information) can be done individually, final responsibility for the decision rests with a set of people.


Another variable in group tasks is the nature of the goal. In many cases, there is no “best” or “right” decision; the process is simply a matter of determining the group preference. Other decision tasks were called “optimizing” by Steiner because it was assumed that some optimal decision exists. The group’s task is to find it. Most important group-decision tasks are not only unitary but also optimizing. Finally, Steiner noted that the rules governing the group’s decision-making activities were a critical feature of the task. If the group members are not constrained to particular procedures, the task is “discretionary.”




Choice Shift

Important insights about decision process and quality in unitary, optimizing, and discretionary tasks have been gained by comparing the decision-making behavior of individuals acting alone to that of persons in groups. It is apparent that the way people behave in groups is different from the way they behave alone. As a consequence, decisions made in groups can differ radically from those made by the same persons acting alone. It is not uncommon for group decisions to be more extreme than an average of members’ individual decisions.


Such a “choice shift” (the difference between the decision of a group and the average decision of group members as individuals) can lead to group decisions that are better than—or not as good as—the average member’s decision. The average group member’s judgment or choice provides one standard against which group decision quality can be compared. Another is the quality of the best decision from an individual member. Steiner called any decrease in quality from the decision of the best member, acting alone, to the group decision “process loss.” Reviews of group-decision research typically conclude that an average group performs above the level of its average member but below that of its best member. It is possible, however, for groups to reach better decisions than can any of their members alone.




Normative and Informational Influences

Social psychologists recognize two types of influence that can cause group decisions to differ from those of individual group members: normative and informational. Normative influence comes merely from knowledge of the positions of others. One may come to doubt the quality of the alternative that one has selected simply by learning that everyone else believes that another alternative is superior. Confidence in a belief is difficult to maintain in the face of others who are in consensus about a contrary belief. The second type of influence, informational influence, results from logic or argument concerning the relative merits of various choice alternatives. Both types of influence usually operate in group decision making. Through normative or informational influence, individual group members can shift their positions.


Since groups usually make decisions under conditions of uncertainty, it can be difficult to evaluate the actual quality of a group decision. For this reason, the study of “group confidence” has become increasingly important. In general, groups exhibit greater confidence about the quality of their decisions than do individuals. This can be a desirable outcome if commitment to the group decision is necessary. As Irving Janis has shown in his analyses of political and managerial decision making, however, groups can be highly confident even while making disastrous decisions. Proper evaluation of the quality and confidence of the group decision requires an ability to evaluate objectively the decision outcome. This has been done in a number of laboratory studies.




Task Accuracy and Confidence

Experiments on group judgment by Janet A. Sniezek and her colleagues show how different group and individual decision making can be. These studies examine two aspects of group performance in judgment tasks. The first, accuracy, refers to the proximity of the consensus group judgment of some unknown value to the actual value. The other performance measure is one of confidence. Results show that consensus group judgments are typically far more accurate, and somewhat more confident, than the independent judgments of two or more comparable individuals.


Two factors appear to be related to an increase in judgment accuracy in groups. One is the tendency of some groups to develop group judgments that are quite different from the members’ individual judgments. A representative study asked students to judge various risks by estimating the annual frequency of deaths in the United States from each of several causes. A minority of group judgments were either higher or lower than all the members’ individual estimates. For example, individual members’ estimates for a given cause of death were 300, 500, and 650, but the consensus of these persons as a group was 200. This phenomenon is often associated with great gains in group judgment accuracy, but unfortunately, such radical shifts in judgment as a result of grouping can also lead to extreme process loss. Some groups become far more inaccurate than their average members by going out of the range of individual estimates.


The second factor that is related to improvements in the accuracy of group judgment is heterogeneity (variety in a group) within the group. On the whole, groups that begin with a wide variety of judgments improve more in comparison to their average members than groups that begin with more homogeneity. This supports the creation of groups with members from different ethnic, racial, religious, or educational backgrounds. Such differences are likely to promote heterogeneity because the members of the group will have different sources of information and varying perspectives. Groups that lack sufficient heterogeneity face the danger of merely averaging their individual contributions. The result of averaging is to fail to improve appreciably in comparison to the level of quality of the average member.




Techniques

There have been many efforts to identify procedures that are better than discretionary procedures in improving the quality of group decisions for optimizing tasks. Many group techniques have been developed in an attempt to eliminate factors that are thought to contribute to process loss. The most popular techniques are designed to alter group discussion. Some inhibit normative influence by restricting the extent to which group members can reveal their preferences. Instead, group discussion is limited—at least initially—to a thorough evaluation of all options.


Other techniques for enhancing group decision making are designed to suppress the extent to which members are influenced by irrelevant factors. For example, status effects can operate in groups, causing the person with the highest status to exert a greater influence on the group decision than other members. This is undesirable if the high-status person’s judgments are no more accurate—or even less accurate—than those of other group members. Other factors that have been shown to be irrelevant include the amount of participation in group discussion and self-confidence. Perhaps the most well-known technique developed to maximize informational influence and minimize irrelevant influences is the Delphi technique. This procedure prevents any potential problems of noninformational influence by not allowing face-to-face interaction. Instead, group members are given periodic anonymous feedback about the current positions of other group members. Often, group members provide information and logic to support their positions. More advanced technology, such as that available with computerized group-decision support systems, has greatly expanded the ability to control group decision-making processes.


In addition to the goal of improving the quality of group decision making, some theorists have stressed the importance of increasing group members’ satisfaction with their decisions. This objective remains somewhat controversial, because it is not always the case that people are more satisfied with better decisions and less satisfied with inferior ones. Ironically, people appear to be most satisfied when given the opportunity for group discussion—though this is precisely what is often eliminated in the hope of improving group decision quality.


Nevertheless, high group confidence can be an important end in itself. Presumably, groups with more confidence in their decisions are more committed to implementing them successfully. The increasing use of groups for decision making in organizations is based in part on this principle. Confidence in decision making can be increased by encouraging the participation of employees from various segments and levels of the organization. With such participative decision making, not only is confidence increased, but also the number of organizational members who support the decision.




Social Implications

Historically, scientific interest in group phenomena in general has been linked to social movements. Group research seems to thrive in the “we” decades, compared with the “me” decades. Interest specifically in group decision making, however, has tended to be stimulated by political and economic events.


Janis carefully analyzed decision making by groups in President John F. Kennedy’s administration. He diagnosed numerous problems regarding the way in which the Bay of Pigs Invasion of 1961 was handled during group meetings. Collectively, the symptoms represent “groupthink,” a narrow-minded approach to decision making that is caused primarily by a strong attachment of the group to its prevailing viewpoints. Janis shows how Kennedy altered the group decision process to accommodate and stimulate diverse perspectives during meetings about the Cuban Missile Crisis one-and-a-half years later.


For many reasons, the study of decision making by groups is likely to become increasingly important to psychologists. As a result of the collectivist nature of most cultures, the discipline of psychology will need to become less individualistic as it grows in non-Western societies and as social psychology expands to encompass more cultures. In addition, the growing interdependence of nations means that more and more global decisions are being made by groups of leaders, not by individual leaders.


Events within the United States can also be expected to create further demand for scientific investigation of group decision making. American organizations are using groups to a larger extent than ever before. For example, the group meeting is the most common approach to forecasting within organizations. The movement toward group decision making has been influenced in part by the apparent success of groups in Japanese firms. The desire to provide greater representation of workers in decisions should result in the increased use of groups for decision making.


While group decision-making research and applications are encouraged by national and global changes, these are insufficient to bring about a genuine revolution in the making of decisions. There must also be an increase in the capacity to use groups. Here, too, it is reasonable to expect developments that support the use of groups in decision making. Major advances in communications allow more people to participate in the decision process in a timely fashion. These advances also have the potential for creating techniques that lead to higher-quality decision making than can be provided by traditional meetings.




Bibliography


Alter, Adam. "The Folly of Crowds." Psychology Today. Sussex, 22 Aug. 2011. Web. 20 May 2014.



"Are Six Heads as Good as Twelve?" American Psychological Association. American Psychological Assn., 28 May 2004. Web. 20 May 2014.



Ariely, Dan. Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions. New York: Harper, 2010. Print.



Cannon-Bowers, Janis, and Eduardo Sales, eds. Making Decisions under Stress: Implications for Individual and Team Training. Washington: Amer. Psychological Soc., 2000. Print.



Davis, James H. “Social Interaction as a Combinatorial Process in Group Decision.” Group Decision Making. Ed. H. Brandstatter, James H. Davis, and Gisela Stocker-Kreichgauer. London: Academic, 1982. Print.



Guzzo, Richard A., ed. Improving Group Decision Making in Organizations. New York: Academic, 1982. Print.



Hastie, Reid. “Experimental Evidence on Group Accuracy.” Decision Research. Vol. 2. Ed. B. Grofman and G. Owen. Greenwich: JAI, 1986. Print.



Janis, Irving Lester. Victims of Groupthink. Boston: Houghton, 1972. Print.



Laughlin, Patrick R. Group Problem Solving. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2011. Print.



McGrath, Joseph Edward. Groups: Interaction and Performance. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice, 1984. Print.



Parks, Craig D., and Lawrence J. Sanna. Group Performance and Interaction. Boulder: Westview, 1999. Print.



Sniezek, Janet A., and Rebecca A. Henry. “Accuracy and Confidence in Group Judgment.” Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 43 (1989): 1–28. Print.



Steiner, Ivan Dale. Group Process and Productivity. New York: Academic, 1972. Print.



Surowiecki, James. The Wisdom of Crowds. New York: Anchor, 2005. Print.



Witte, Erich H., and James H. Davis, eds. Understanding Group Behavior: Consensual Action by Small Groups. Vol. 1. New York: Psychology, 2014. Print.

In "Everyday Use," how does Dee view her environment differently from Maggie?

For Maggie, Mama's house is home.  Is it a place of safety, where she doesn't have to hide or feel badly about herself (until Dee comes). Mama describes the way she and Maggie cleaned up their home and yard yesterday to prepare for Dee; she says, "A yard like this is more comfortable than most people know. It is not just a yard. It is like an extended living room."  This is the perception that Mama and Maggie have.  They are comfortable in their home when it is just the two of them, so after Dee leaves, we see this again.  Mama says that "the two of us sat there just enjoying, until it was time to go in the house and go to bed."  


Dee, however, doesn't see this place as her home.  She has not been back in so long that Mama imagines a talk-show style reunion where she and Dee see each other once again.  As a child, Dee was only made happy when Mama raised the money to send her away from home to go to school.  When Dee first arrives, even before she kisses her mother and sister, she pulls out her camera to take pictures of them, with the house, with the house and the cow, etc.  She seems to see their home as more of a tourist spot -- taking pictures, claiming souvenirs to take home with her (the butter churn top, the dasher, etc.).  This is the way Dee sees the world, as full of things that are hers for the taking; no one ever really says "no" to her.   

What is the difference between the terms "text" and "context?"

The term “text” refers to the written words in literature or other verbal communication; this includes dialogue, description, narrative comment, and everything else contained in the words of the piece.


“Context” is more a social term, referring to the social or communication vehicle or body in which an utterance or communication takes place. An example of “text” might be “It was a dark and stormy night; the wind blew and the rain fell. A band of fifteen robbers were sitting around a campfire. ‘Jack’ said the captain, ‘tell us a story.’”


Comparing this to an example of context would be: “Tell us a story” is a phrase that changes connotative meaning depending on the environment in which it is uttered – a child’s bedroom or a campfire setting or an interview room – because the relationship of the requester and the listener gives the denotative value to the speech act, from request to demand to inquiry.


The prefix “con” here makes the word “context” mean “a text within something larger (a social milieu or a longer piece).  

Wednesday, July 23, 2014

What is palliative treatment?




Symptom management and control: For the cancer patient, physical
symptoms and discomfort may change in nature, quality, and intensity within short,
unpredictable time periods, often requiring close monitoring and therapeutic
modifications at regular but nonspecific time intervals. Further, possible or
actual changes in mentation, functioning, and personal control may precipitate
intense emotions that are unfamiliar, unwanted, and anxiety-provoking. Chronicity,
remissions, and exacerbations of a variety of uncomfortable symptoms; family
separation; financial strain; functional limitations; and role disruptions are but
a few of the issues that characterize the lives of individuals with advanced,
progressive, or incurable illnesses. Even for those who experience lengthy
disease-free intervals, the challenge of reducing the effects of the illness in
their lives can be difficult, and assistance from multiple specialists is often
needed. Common symptoms that are treated and controlled or relieved by palliative
care interventions can include the following:




  • Pain




  • Difficulty breathing




  • Loss of appetite and weight loss




  • Fatigue




  • Weakness




  • Sleep problems





  • Depression and anxiety




  • Confusion



Palliative treatment in context: The palliative treatment experience
must be examined within the context of the health care delivery system for its
potential and its pitfalls to be fully understood. Treatment advances, societal
attitudes, and changes in health care structure and financing have all had a
dramatic impact on the delivery of palliative care and the creation of gaps
between the philosophy and delivery of palliative care services. The secrecy that
prevailed in the 1960s and prohibited disclosure of a cancer diagnosis by most
physicians has given way to the practice of routinely imparting the particulars of
diagnosis, treatment options, and prognosis. Despite this change, it has been
observed that persistent cancer-related fears and negative attitudes among health
care providers have led to a discrepancy between words and actions, resulting in
communication of emotionally laden information in a fashion ranging from
overprotective and paternalistic to blunt and matter of fact. Further, patients
who are not candidates for curative treatment often find themselves without
adequate information and resources to manage their abundant physical and
psychosocial problems.


Discrepancies between attitude and practice have been demonstrated by
clinicians who have been found to avoid clear, open discussions of topics such as
prognosis and death despite consistently expressed beliefs regarding the
importance of openness and honesty with all mentally competent patients.
Therefore, while the prevailing attitude in health care supports disclosure of
medical information and active involvement by patients in decisions that affect
them, the actual behavior of health care providers reflects a more limited
improvement in patient care. Clinician concerns and personal issues can affect
communication with patients at key decision-making and transition points. The need
for clinician support and access to resources is recognized as key in helping
members of the palliative care team to assist patients fully, but there is much
need for improvement and more resources in this area.



Psychiatric and medical comorbidity: The time during which palliative
treatment is necessary has lengthened, causing an increase in the number of cases
in which patients need psychiatric care alongside medical care. This phenomenon
puts inordinate stress on patients, families, professional caregivers, and the
health care system at large. Psychiatric problems tend to be treated based on
whether reimbursement is provided by the patient's insurance company, and
reimbursement occurs only when psychiatric symptoms emerge as disease states.
Insurance rarely covers psychiatric interventions targeted toward symptom
management and quality-of-life enhancement, although comprehensive, low-cost
interventions supported by scientific evidence of their efficacy are available.
Multisystem problems are generally not addressed well by the medical system, which
is fragmented and oriented toward specialty care.


Because recipients of palliative cancer treatment are not candidates for
curative therapies, they are faced with their own mortality and are vulnerable to
intense fear and psychological distress. However, the health care system is
oriented toward cure and survival, and it typically places a lower priority on
treating and addressing psychosocial issues. Patients receiving palliative care
are often concerned about issues such as impending death, pain or other physical
discomfort that cannot be relieved, disfigurement, functional decline and
increasing dependency on others, loss of mental acuity and bodily functions, and
the effects of their illness on their families and friends. These patients need to
be closely monitored to manage changes in symptoms and functional status and to
evaluate the level of relief achieved through targeted interventions.



Ethical aspects: Care providers must be mindful that the
psychological vulnerability of patients receiving palliative care may put some
individuals at risk for unnecessary suffering, exploitation, and victimization
based on the cure-oriented values inherent in modern health care. For example, an
issue that repeatedly surfaces among patients, family members, and professional
care providers pertains to the use of aggressive treatment protocols in the
presence of progressive, incurable disease. Patients may seek or be recruited for
participation in experimental protocols even when treatment is not expected to
extend their lives. Questions of medical ethics and the meaning of
informed
consent arise in regard to the participation of terminally
ill subjects in experimental protocols. Some experts question whether having a
particular medical conditions or status (such as being terminally ill) diminishes
full participation in the process of informed consent.


The need for health care professionals to establish structured dialogue with
patients, family members, and care providers regarding treatment goals and
expectations is essential. Treatment planning should take into account the fact
that certain individuals with a terminal illness may respond to participation in
an investigational treatment with increased hope of survival, regardless of their
real chances of survival. These issues, however, become even more complex as
changes in health care financing prohibit reimbursement for experimental
therapies. Some people will be unable to undergo experimental therapies, and
others may assume the costs of aggressive yet often medically futile treatments,
creating compelling ethical issues and tensions. These are weighty issues that
require active dialogue and debate. The combination of rapid medical and
technological advances, diminishing ability to finance rising health care costs,
growing numbers of chronically ill patients living longer periods of time, and an
ever widening gap in health care access between the affluent and poor is adding to
the problem.


Patients, their families, and health care providers need to separate and clarify personal values, thoughts, and emotional reactions to these delicate issues if individualized, quality palliative care is to be provided. Psychiatric consultation-liaison nurses, psychiatrists, social workers, and chaplains can be invaluable in assisting patients, family members, and staff to grapple with these issues in a meaningful and productive manner.



Dying and terminal care: Once the terminal care period has begun, it
is usually not the fact of dying, but the quality of life, that is primary for
patients and families. Palliative care that continues into the terminal stage of
cancer should continue to relieve physical and psychological symptoms and promote
comfort and well-being until the patient dies. Often patients and families who
have received palliative services in earlier stages of the illness will be more
open and accepting of palliative efforts in the final stage of life. In addition,
it is important that professional and family caregivers recognize that their work
is emotionally draining, and they should seek guidance and support whenever
possible.


Professional caregivers should target therapeutic interventions toward
increasing the dying patients’ sense of personal control and self-efficacy within
the context of their functional decline and increased dependency. It is also
therapeutic in most cases to inform patients of available resources aimed at
discussing and addressing any concerns regarding death and
dying. From a practical standpoint, professional caregivers
may help patients by inquiring about any unfinished business, including wills and
conversations with family and friends, and to provide them with the necessary
support and encouragement to accomplish these final goals.


Factors including personal values, socioeconomic status, cultural background, and religious beliefs can influence patients’ expectations and experiences as they approach death. For example, a stoic attitude that minimizes or negates discomfort may be related to a cultural value learned and reinforced through years of family experiences. Similarly, an extremely emotional response to routine events during the terminal phase of illness does not necessarily signal mental maladjustment but rather the person’s cultural norm. Awareness of the person’s cultural, religious, ethnic, and socioeconomic background is important in the process of understanding individual behaviors and limiting value judgments.



Psychiatric complications and terminal care:
Delirium, depression, suicidal ideation, and severe anxiety
are among the most commonly occurring psychiatric complications encountered in
terminally ill patients. When severe, these problems require urgent and aggressive
assessment and treatment by psychiatric personnel who can initiate pharmacologic
and psychotherapeutic treatment strategies. It should be stressed that psychiatric
emergencies require the same rapid intervention as medical crises. In spite of the
seemingly overwhelming nature of psychosocial responses in cancer patients, most
do indeed cope effectively, and it is important to recognize that intense emotions
are not one and the same as maladaptive coping.



Hospice care:
Hospice
care involves structured programs that offer supportive and
palliative care at the end of life. The patient, family, and health care team
decide when hospice care should begin, but typically patients are eligible for a
hospice program when they are estimated to have about six months to live. Hospice
care can be home or institution based. Hospice care aims to manage physical and
emotional symptoms with the overriding goal of allowing patients to live their
last days with dignity and as high a quality of life as possible. Most hospice
programs offer family-centered care, meaning that they involve the patient and
family in decision making, which reduces distress and enhances control. A hospice
team usually consists of a physician, an advanced practice nurse, a bedside nurse,
nursing assistants, social workers, and chaplains. Goals of hospice treatment may
include increased time of survival, symptom control, and enhanced quality of life.



Barnett, Laura, ed.
When Death Enters the Therapeutic Space: Existential Perspectives
in Psychotherapy and Counseling
. New York: Routledge, 2008.
Print.


Boog, Kathryn M.,
and Claire Tester. A Practical Guide to Palliative Care: Finding
Meaning and Purpose in Life and Death
. New York: Elsevier, 2008.
Print.


Breitbart, William S., and Yesne Alici.
Psychosocial Palliative Care. New York: Oxford UP, 2014.
Print.


Jacobs, Léa K., ed.
Coping with Cancer. New York: Nova Science, 2008.
Print.


Grassi, Luigi, and Michelle Riba, eds.
Psychopharmacology in Oncology and Palliative Care: A Practical
Manual
. New York: Springer, 2014. Print.


Kuebler, Kim, Debra
E. Heidrich, and Peg Esper. Palliative and End of Life Care:
Clinical Practice Guidelines
. 2nd ed. St. Louis:
Saunders/Elsevier, 2007. Print.


Lewis, Milton J.
Medicine and Care of the Dying: A Modern History. New
York: Oxford UP, 2007. Print.


Lynn, Joanne, et
al. Improving Care for the End of Life: A Sourcebook for Health Care
Managers and Clinicians
. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford UP, 2008.
Print.


Quill, Timothy E., and Franklin G. Miller,
eds. Palliative Care and Ethics. New York: Oxford UP, 2014.
Print.


Werth, James L.,
and Dean Blevins, eds. Decision Making Near the End of Life: Issues,
Development, and Future Directions
. New York: Brunner-Routledge,
2008. Print.

These business ethics questions are related to 3 methods: "utilitarian," "libertarian," and "kant's." 1. Thoroughly explain how a utilitarian...

Utilitarians are concerned with the consequences of actions: Rather than worrying about whether a particular act is right or wrong, they ask whether the outcome of doing so would be beneficial or harmful.

Libertarians are concerned with personal freedom: They consider an action wrong if it impinges upon the rights of individuals to do as they please without outside interference or aggression.

Kantians are concerned with moral duty and consistency: They decide whether an act is right or wrong based on whether it would be rational to universalize that action, that is, to make a rule that everyone can do it.

All three systems agree on most things: Murder is wrong for a utilitarian because it causes much more harm than good; murder is wrong for a libertarian because it is violence that destroys the freedom of the victim; murder is wrong for a Kantian because we could not live in a world where everyone murders everyone, because then we would no longer be alive at all.

But sometimes they don't agree. Which brings me to this Apple dilemma.
The US government wants Apple to write code that could be used to unlock a large number of Apple phones in the future; they intend to use it to unlock a terrorist's phone, which is legal and largely uncontroversial; but the code is far more general than that and could be used for thousands of other phones.

The utilitarians have the hardest time with this dilemma. On the one hand, there are clear benefits if Apple unlocks the phone; it improves the chances of catching future terrorists and therefore could make us safer. On the other hand, there are major costs as well; if this technology becomes widely available it would undermine the security of a large number of electronic devices and increase the risk of hackers stealing people's information or even money.

The utilitarian would therefore be most interested in the expected utility, that is, the sum of all costs and benefits, multiplied by the probability that each will actually occur. The cost of being killed by a terrorist is much higher than the cost of having your credit card stolen; but the terrorist attack is also far less likely (and the unlocked phone will make a big difference in hacking probability but not much in terrorism probability), so the expected loss in utility from terrorist attacks is actually smaller than the expected loss in utility from hacking. For this reason, I believe the utilitarian would oppose the unlocking of the phones, because the risk of making phones less secure is too high to justify the small gain in protection against terrorism. But the utilitarian will feel conflicted and ambivalent, and constantly wonder if the probability calculations were right.

The libertarian will not hesitate: Do not unlock the phone. The violation of privacy and personal security will be much too large, and the government has no legitimate authority to issue this command. They could legitimately get a warrant for one phone---but this is like asking for a warrant for all phones. The libertarian will not feel ambivalent at all; this is wrong, and must be stopped.

The Kantian will now go through the nine steps you listed. But we've been given a slightly different dilemma: Not whether to unlock the phone, but whether to secretly unlock the phone.

1. The ethical dilemma is whether to lie about unlocking the phone, saying you won't even though you will.

2. The agent is Tim Cook, CEO of Apple.

3. The task for Tim Cook is to decide whether to write false press releases and order his engineers to comply.

4. Tim Cook's primary job is to maximize profit for Apple Corporation, but he also has a moral duty to engage in that profit maximization in ethically responsible way. This means representing his company honestly, which this would not be.


5. The primary duty associated with the role of Tim Cook is to maximize profit, under constraints of ethical and legal behavior. But since he would be lying, he is breaking those constraints.


6. The categorical imperative is to never lie. Kant is actually quite extreme on this; he really means never lie.

7. It is, and at least if the opposite is "always lie", that would clearly not be universalizable. A world where everyone lies is a world where language is meaningless; a world where all press releases are false is a world where press releases tell us nothing.

8. Here's where it gets a bit tougher. We might or might not be willing to switch places with the software engineers, but we probably wouldn't want to switch places with the people who are being lied to.

9. We are definitely using people as means---we use the software engineers as a means to create profit. But unless we say that all jobs for-hire are in violation of Kantian principles (which Kant himself would never have said), then we must be prepared to accept that it can be ethical to use people as a means for making profit, so long as we also respect their dignity as human beings. Software engineers at Apple are generally well-paid and treated fairly, so it seems like we're doing that. (Workers at the sweatshops Apple contracts for manufacturing, on the other hand...) Nor are we using the government officials merely as a means, nor the customers affected by our decision. So we're good on this one.

Are you using the readers of the press release merely as a means? Maybe, since you're basically ignoring their interest in knowing the truth. But you aren't causing them really great harm, so I don't think that's really the problem; the problem is that you are lying, and lying is not universalizable.

Therefore, the Kantian would absolutely not lie about writing the code; they would never lie about anything.

However, I think the Kantian answer is actually to comply with the order and write the code. Your duty as a CEO says you should maximize profit within the bounds of the law, and the law clearly says that you should comply. But you should do so openly, not in secret.

Thus, we have three answers:

The utilitarian says "I'm not sure, but I think probably not."
The libertarian says "Absolutely not! Why are you even considering this?"
The Kantian says "Yes, it is your duty to comply. But above all you must not lie about it."

Discuss what "materialistic culture" means in "Winter Dreams."

In "Winter Dreams," "materialistic culture" refers to an excessive attention paid to objects at the cost of emotional depth.


The allure of a materialistic culture impacts Dexter and Judy. Dexter is described as one who covets "glittering things" and seeks "out for the best without knowing why he wanted it." Dexter's obsession with a materialist culture is seen in how he is not really in control of his desire for objects. It is a setting where the consumption of "things" is prized above all. His pursuit of "things" comes at the cost of emotional connection. This can be seen in how he does not acknowledge the pain he causes Irene and her parents when he breaks off their engagement because of his pursuit of Judy Jones. When Fitzgerald writes that there is "nothing pictorial" about Irene's grief, it reflects how a culture of materialism has supplanted Dexter's emotional frame of reference.


Materialism becomes the reason Dexter pursues Judy. In Dexter's mind, Judy represents the most glittering of "glittering things." His attempts to woo her are rooted in materialism. Dexter knows that she will be impressed with his statement that he is "probably making more money" than any other man in the region. A culture of materialism where one's value is strictly determined by wealth and its trappings is a significant part of Dexter's romance of Judy.


When Judy directly asks Dexter if he is poor, it is a reflection of how a materialist culture impacts her as well. Judy might be able to love men who were "as poor as a church mouse," but the reality is that she likes wealth. Judy wants to be seen with wealthy men and lives for an image that emphasizes wealth over all else. As a result, she is incapable of sustaining real emotional exchanges with anyone. Fitzgerald shows how a materialist culture can impact the way an individual perceives themselves and their world. Judy's embrace of a materialist culture translates to a failure to recognize that which is permanent and lasting.

Why does the speaker have tears in his eyes when he hears the west wind?

The west wind in the poem “comes from the west lands,” and so does the speaker.  So whenever the west wind blows, the speaker is reminded of his home, and the tears are caused by homesickness.  The speaker has worked hard, and is weary of his toil and his life, a claim substantiated in the second verse, with the line “It’s a fine land, the west land, for hearts as tired as mine.”  He remembers it as a gentle, green place, “where men may lie at rest.”  The speaker longs for such rest, and longs for home.  The rest of the poem paints a picture of the speaker’s homeland, and when he hears the west wind, he hears it calling to him:  “Will you not come home, brother? Ye have been long away.”  The wind repeats this supplication several times, until the speaker decides he must return home, to a place where he may find “sleep for aching eyes.” 


So, upon hearing the west wind, the speaker is reminded so strongly of his home that it moves him to tears, and compels him to take action.  He has been away from home for a very long time, and with the whispering of this warm wind he makes the decision to leave the hard life he has been living and rediscover, as he states, “the land where I belong.”

Who could be the scapegoat in Romeo and Juliet?

There are two good candidates for the role of scapegoat in Romeo and Juliet. A scapegoat is a person who is ultimately blamed for the mistakes or sins of others. First off, Friar Lawrence could easily be considered a scapegoat. He is responsible for marrying Romeo and Juliet, despite the perceived objections of parents who were involved in a bitter feud. He also devises the foiled plan for Juliet to fake her death and be rescued by Romeo at Capulet's tomb. His plan to get a message to Romeo is disrupted as Friar John is delayed by a plague threat in Verona. He flees the tomb after finding Romeo and Paris dead and just as Juliet is awakening. He makes a feeble attempt to pull Juliet away, but she remains to kill herself. The Friar even admits his guilt when he is apprehended in the churchyard after Romeo, Juliet and Paris are found dead in the tomb. He tells the Prince,



I am the greatest, able to do least,
Yet most suspected, as the time and place
Doth make against me, of this direful murder.
And here I stand, both to impeach and purge
Myself condemnèd and myself excused.



The Friar indicates he has already accused himself and found guilt. He goes on to retell the entire story of Romeo and Juliet's love, their marriage, the faked death and that they must have committed suicide in distress over losing each other. He agrees that if any part of the tragedy is his fault he should be put to death:




And if aught in this
Miscarried by my fault, let my old life
Be sacrificed some hour before his time
Unto the rigor of severest law.





The Prince pardons him, saying, "We still have known thee for a holy man."


Lord Capulet could also be blamed. His haste in marrying Juliet to Paris is responsible for much of the mischief which follows. He totally changes his mind about Paris in Act III. Earlier he told Paris to win Juliet's love. Now, he is willing to marry Juliet to him no matter what she thinks and, when she opposes his plan, he flies into a rage, threatening to disown her and throw her out of his house. He tells her in Act III, Scene 5,




Lay hand on heart; advise.
An you be mine, I’ll give you to my friend.
An you be not, hang, beg, starve, die in the streets,
For, by my soul, I’ll ne’er acknowledge thee,
Nor what is mine shall never do thee good.
Trust to ’t; bethink you. I’ll not be forsworn.





Capulet's total about-face and his quick temper force Juliet to agree to the Friar's desperate plan. Had Capulet been more understanding, the events that followed may have been averted.



Monday, July 21, 2014

What are the Gothic elements in "The Raven" with examples from the poem?

Gothic fiction is typically characterized by mystery as well as elements of the supernatural, and "The Raven" in many ways contains both.  


First, the fact that the poem begins on a "midnight dreary" establishes a very mysterious and bleak mood; it seems from the first line that odd and unaccountable things are going to happen.  The speaker is filled with "fantastic terrors," and his heart beats quickly in anxiety and fear.  We know that he has recently lost a woman he loved, Lenore, and when he suddenly hears a knock at his door, he opens it to find no one there and believes that it could be the ghost of his "lost Lenore."  A phantom "rapping" at the door, a sound or which he cannot account through natural means, is certainly gothic.


Then, he hears a tapping at the window, and opens it, letting in a strange black raven who conducts himself like a lord and speaks the word "'Nevermore.'" Like midnight, ravens are associated with mystery and death, and the raven's strange demeanor is likewise mysterious.  Although the speaker tries to convince himself that the raven's master must have taught him this word, he cannot help but feel that the bird's "fiery eyes now burned into [his] bosom's core."  Thus, the bird seems to have some supernatural powers (or it is all in the speaker's imagination -- either way, it seems real to him).  He begins to think that the bird is a "prophet," sent to tell him that he will never reunite with Lenore even after death.  However, the raven just sits and never stirs and only repeats the word "'Nevermore.'"  


The appearance of the strange bird that portends death, the bleakness of the one word it utters, and the idea that it might be some otherworldly messenger all seem supernatural, and they are certainly mysterious, helping to qualify this poem as gothic.

How does the choice of details set the tone of the sermon?

Edwards is remembered for his choice of details, particularly in this classic sermon. His goal was not to tell people about his beliefs; he ...